Hi, there. I’m Gideon Rose, the editor of Foreign Affairs. I’m here to talk about March/April 2015 issue. The lead package is to deal with race, a hot button issue not just in United States but around the world. There’re wonderful articles, everything from multiculturalism in Europe to a surprising lack of significance of race in Latin American history to South East Asia, South Africa, affirmative action across the world. An interesting package that you want to take a look at
オックスフォードのOALDでもちょうどraceがhot buttonの例文として使われていました。
（オックスフォード） hot button a subject or issue that people have strong feelings about and argue about a lot Race has always been a hot button in this country's history. the hot-button issue of nuclear waste disposal
動画との語り口の違いを見るためにも広告メールの方も目を通してみます。
Dear Reader, Once again, racial issues are at the top of the news—and once again, most coverage sheds more heat than light. So for our March/April issue, we decided to add some perspective and got world-class experts to look at racial issues across the globe.
Learn how race and politics mix not only in the United States but also in Europe, Latin America, South Africa, Southeast Asia, and more. This is fascinating, first-rate analysis of the kind you get only from Foreign Affairs.
Subscribe today at 83% off, and you’ll also get The Clash of Civilizations? eBook—a great companion to this issue. And don’t miss our exclusive interview with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad—it’s a must-read. With all this and more inside our March/April issue, there’s never been a better time to become a Foreign Affairs subscriber.
The Pantone Colour Matching System is largely a standardized colour reproduction system. By standardizing the colours, different manufacturers in different locations can all refer to the Pantone system to make sure colours match without direct contact with one another. The Pantone Matching System (PMS) is a proprietary colour space used in a variety of industries, primarily printing, though sometimes in the manufacture of coloured paint, fabric and plastics. The Pantone colour guides have been widely adopted and are used by artists, designers, printers, manufacturers, marketers and clients in all industries worldwide for accurate colour identification, design specification, quality control and communication. Pantone recommends that PMS Colour Guides be purchased annually, as their inks become yellowish over time. Colour variance also occurs within editions based on the paper stock used (coated, matte or uncoated). The below chart is intended as a reference guide only. The Pantone colours here have been matched as closely as possible. Use official Pantone colour product for most accurate colour.
DassさんはTEDにも登壇しているようですね。
Pantoneは年末に次の年の色、Color of the Yearを発表しているんですね。今年の色はマサラMarsalaだそうです。。。
Since 2000, the Pantone Color Institute™ has been designating a Color of the Year to express in color what is taking place in the global zeitgeist. A color that will resonate around the world, the PANTONE Color of the Year is a reflection of what people are looking for, what they feel they need that color can help to answer. Not necessarily the hot fashion color of the moment, but a color crossing all areas of design which is an expression of a mood, an attitude, on the part of the consumers.
To distill the prevailing mood into a single hue, the PCI team, led by executive director Leatrice Eiseman, combs the world looking for future design and color influences, watching out for that one color seen as ascending and building in importance through all creative sectors. Influences can include the entertainment industry, upcoming films, art, emerging artists, travel destinations and socio-economic conditions. Influences may also stem from technology, lifestyles + playstyles, new textures and effects that impact color, and even upcoming sports events that capture worldwide attention.
With each unique color shade having its own special symbolism, an additional key consideration is the emotional component and the inherent meaning of the color.
The color for 2015? The charismatic and highly varietal shade of Marsala; a tasteful hue that embodies the satisfying richness of a fulfilling meal, while its grounding red-brown roots emanate a sophisticated, natural earthiness. Complex and full-bodied, this hearty, yet stylish tone is universally appealing; translating easily to fashion, beauty, industrial design, home furnishings and interiors.
For more inspiration in color, color direction or color insights subscribe to PANTONEVIEW.com, our unique trend service devoted to color. Free 30-day trial. Sign up now!
Martin Heidegger and Nazism The relationship between the German philosopher Martin Heidegger and Nazism is a controversial subject.
Heidegger joined the Nazi Party (NSDAP) on May 1, 1933, ten days after being elected Rector of the University of Freiburg. A year later, in April 1934, he resigned the Rectorship and stopped taking part in Nazi Party meetings, but remained a member of the Nazi Party until its dismantling at the end of World War II. Heidegger had held high hopes of reforming the university system with the help of Nazism as a Conservative Revolution, but, by the end of the war, had become expendable and was even prevented from teaching. The denazification hearings immediately after World War II led to Heidegger's dismissal from Freiburg, banning him from teaching. In 1949, after several years of investigation, the French military finally classified Heidegger as a Mitläufer [1] or "Nazi follower". The teaching ban was lifted in 1951 and he was granted emeritus status in 1953, but he was never allowed to resume his philosophy chair. His involvement with Nazism and the relation between his philosophy and National Socialism are still highly controversial, especially because he never apologized[2] and is only known to have expressed regret once, privately, when he described his rectorship and the related political engagement as "the greatest stupidity of his life" ("die größte Dummheit seines Lebens").[3]
The German philosopher Martin Heidegger died in 1976, yet scholars are still plowing through his life’s work today -- some of it for the very first time. Indeed, few modern thinkers have been as productive: once published in their entirety, his complete works will comprise over 100 volumes. Fewer still have rivaled his reach: Heidegger deeply influenced some of the twentieth century’s most important philosophers, among them Leo Strauss, Jean-Paul Sartre, Hannah Arendt, and Jacques Derrida. And although Heidegger’s work is most firmly entrenched in the Western tradition, his readership is global, with serious followings in Latin America, China, Japan, and even Iran.
But Heidegger’s legacy also bears a dark stain, one that his influence has never quite managed to wash out. Heidegger joined the Nazi Party in the spring of 1933, ran the University of Freiburg on behalf of the regime, and gave impassioned speeches in support of Adolf Hitler at key moments, including during the plebiscites in the fall of 1933, which solidified popular support for Nazi policies.
Now, Peter Trawny, the director of the Martin Heidegger Institute at the University of Wuppertal, in Germany, has waded into this long-running controversy with a short but incisive new book, recently published in German. Trawny’s meticulous and sober work introduces an entirely new set of sources: a collection of black notebooks in which Heidegger regularly jotted down his thoughts, a practice he began in the early 1930s and continued into the 1970s. Trawny, who is also the editor of the published notebooks, calls them “fully developed philosophical writings.” That’s a bit strong for a collection of notes, but Heidegger clearly intended them to serve as the capstone to his published works, and they contain his unexpurgated reflections on this key period. Shortly before his death, Heidegger wrote up a schedule stipulating that the notebooks be published only after all his other writings were. That condition having been met, Trawny has so far released three volumes (totaling roughly 1,200 pages), with five more planned.
Trawny’s new book caused a sensation among Heidegger scholars even before it appeared in print, in large part because several inflammatory passages quoted from the notebooks, previously unpublished and containing clearly anti-Semitic content, were leaked from the page proofs. But with the book now released, Trawny’s novel line of analysis is creating its own stir. Drawing on the new material, Trawny makes two related arguments: first, that Heidegger’s anti-Semitism was deeply entwined with his philosophical ideas and, second, that it was distinct from that of the Nazis. Trawny deals with the notebooks that Heidegger composed in 1931–41, which include the years after he resigned as rector of the University of Freiburg, in 1934. As the notebooks make clear, Heidegger was far from an unthinking Nazi sympathizer. Rather, he was deeply committed to his own philosophical form of anti-Semitism -- one he felt the Nazis failed to live up to.
UN Security Council agrees to rid Syria of chemical weapons, endorses peace process 27 September 2013 – In the wake of an August chemical attack in Syria which a United Nations team later confirmed had killed hundreds of civilians, the Security Council today called for the elimination of the country’s chemical weapons, while endorsing a diplomatic plan for Syrian-led negotiations toward peace.
Through the unanimous adoption of resolution 2118 (2013), the Council called for the speedy implementation of procedures drawn up by the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) “for the expeditious destruction of the Syrian Arab Republic’s chemical weapons programme and stringent verification thereof.”
In the text, the Council underscored “that no party in Syria should use, develop, produce, acquire, stockpile, retain, or transfer chemical weapons.”
Defiance of the resolution, including unauthorized transfer of chemical weapons, or any use of chemical weapons by anyone in Syria, would bring about measures under the UN Charter’s binding Chapter VII, which can include sanctions or stronger coercive action, the Council said.
Underscoring that Member States are obligated under Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations to accept and carry out the Council's decisions,
1. Determines that the use of chemical weapons anywhere constitutes a threat to international peace and security; 2. Condemns in the strongest terms any use of chemical weapons in the Syrian Arab Republic, in particular the attack on 21 August 2013, in violation of international law; 3. Endorses the decision of the OPCW Executive Council [XX September 2013], which contains special procedures for the expeditious destruction of the Syrian Arab Republic's chemical weapons program and stringent verification thereof and calls for its full implementation in the most expedient and safest manner; 4. Decides that the Syrian Arab Republic shall not use, develop, produce, otherwise acquire, stockpile or retain chemical weapons, or transfer, directly or indirectly, chemical weapons to other States or non-State actors; 5. Underscores that no party in Syria should use, develop, produce, acquire, stockpile, retain, or transfer chemical weapons; 6. Decides that the Syrian Arab Republic shall comply with all aspects of the decision of the OPCW Executive Council of [XX September 2013] (Annex I);
盛り込むかどうか争点になった国連憲章７章については最後から２番目のところで言及されています。
21. Decides, in the event of non-compliance with this resolution, including unauthorized transfer of chemical weapons, or any use of chemical weapons by anyone in the Syrian Arab Republic, to impose measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter;
22. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.
読売新聞が「（武力行使や経済制裁を可能とする）国連憲章７章に基づく措置を科す」とかっこをつけて説明してくれていましたが、国連憲章７章がどんなものか知らないとmeasures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charterの意味もわかりませんね。
Just now, President Obama laid out the case for a targeted military action against Syrian regime targets as a result of their use of chemical weapons that killed over one thousand people--including hundreds of children. The President also made clear that this would not be an open-ended intervention, and there will be no American troops on the ground.
While the President was clear on the need for action, he announced he would seek Congressional authorization for the use of force.
The United States and some allies are considering military strikes against Syrian government targets in response to that government's large-scale use of chemical weapons in its civil war. （米国と同盟国の数カ国は、シリア政府を攻撃目標とした軍事攻撃を検討中です。これは内戦中のシリア政府が化学兵器を大規模に使用していることを受けてのものです）
Even if the United States and some willing coalition partners are satisfied themselves that military force is justified, they will face tough questions about the legality of these armed strikes. Here are three things to know about international law in this context. （米国と協力的な同盟国が軍事介入を正当化できると自らは考えていたとしても、軍事攻撃の適法性について難しい問題に直面することになります。今回の文脈での国際法について知っておきた3つのことをお話しします）
First, the only legal grounds for using significant military force that are clear and universally agreed upon are a UN Security Council Resolution authorizing force or self-defense against an armed attack. （第一に、大規模な軍事力を行使する上で明確で一般に合意されている法的根拠は、軍事介入を容認する国連安保理決議か、軍事攻撃に対する自衛です）
In this case, though, there's no realistic chance for a Security Council approval to use force, because Russia and perhaps China would block that. And, there's no strong legal argument that the United States or its allies are defending themselves, at least not in a traditional sense. Although they may try to construct an argument that chemical weapons pose a regional or global threat, they're really defending the Syrian people in an internal civil war. （今回のケースでは、武力行使について安保理の承認を得られる現実的な可能性はありません。ロシアそしておそらく中国が阻止するでしょうから。また、米国や同盟国の自衛のためというものも、少なくとも伝統的な意味ではしっかりとした法的根拠はありません。化学兵器が地域の脅威、世界の脅威になるという議論を展開するかもしれませんが、実際に守ろうとしているのは内戦におけるシリア国民です）
Second, the fact that chemical weapons and their use are outlawed under international law will likely feature heavily in the public justification for any strike against Syria, but there isn't strong precedent -- at least not yet -- for the notion that military intervention is an appropriate response to violations of those bans. The United States and its allies want to reinforce the strong taboo against using chemical weapons, but they'd really be stretching existing law to do so this way. （第二に、国際法で禁止されている化学兵器とその使用がシリアへの軍事介入をする一般の人々への正当化において大きく取り上げられています。しかし、これについての明確な前例が少なくとも今のところないのです。軍事介入が禁止化学兵器の違反に対する適切な対応方法だとまだ考えられていないのです。米国と同盟国は化学兵器の使用を絶対的な禁止事項にしようとしていますが、現行法を拡大解釈しないとそのようなことはできません）
The third point, however, is that even without a clear and widely-accepted legal justification, the United States and its allies could argue that their intervention is nevertheless legitimate and justified under the circumstances, especially as necessary to avert a humanitarian catastrophe. As the Kosovo example showed in 1999, many states and international actors are willing to accept military intervention as necessary, in certain narrow contexts, to deal with certain emergency situations when other diplomatic options have been exhausted. Depending on how persuasive such arguments are to the international community, and how successful any military action is, such actions that lack clear legal basis in past interpretation could contribute ultimately to some evolution in the international law regulating military intervention. （第三は、明確で、広く容認された法的正当化がなくても、米国と同盟国は状況によっては軍事介入を妥当なものとして正当化できる場合があります。特に人道的な惨事を避けるために必要なものとするのです。1999年のコソボの例が示しているように、多くの国や国際機関は、一定の限定的な状況では必要な者として軍事介入を認めています。これは、他の外交手段がなくなった場合に喫緊の情勢に対処するためです。このような議論がどれだけ説得力をもって国際社会に訴えかけるか、また、どれだけ軍事介入が成功を収めるのかによって、これまでの解釈では明確な法的根拠がない場合の武力行使が軍事介入を制限する国際法の展開に最終的な影響を及ぼすことができるのでしょう）
in 1999, many states and international actors are willing to accept military intervention as necessary, in certain narrow contexts, to deal with certain emergency situations when other diplomatic options have been exhausted.の部分ですが、上記の本に書いてありました。「コソポに関する独立国際委員会」が出したKosovo Reportに以下のような内容が書いてあったようです。
（ウィキペディア） The assessment of the Commission regarding the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia was that it was illegal because it was not authorized by the UN Security Council, but it was still a legitimate action because diplomatic alternatives had been exhausted.
Advances in battery technology have the potential to shape global demand for fossil fuels, increase the use of renewables in the electric grid, and bring reliable electric power to millions of the world’s poorest. All told, the economic impact of better batteries in the next 12 years will be almost equivalent to the current GDP of Saudi Arabia. JAMES MANYIKA is a Director of the McKinsey Global Institute. MICHAEL CHUI is a Principal at MGI. Both are based in San Francisco.
In developing economies, battery storage could have a huge impact on economic growth. Developing economies suffer from two problems that better batteries can help address. The first is the unreliability of electrical supplies. In these countries, outages average from two to 70 hours per month. That is bad enough for private citizens, but it really throws sand in the works of industry, which accounts for 43 percent of power in developing economies. In a recent World Bank survey, 55 percent of firms in the Middle East and North Africa, 54 percent in South Asia, and 49 percent in sub-Saharan Africa said that the lack of access to reliable electric power hurt their ability to do business.
Almost all large companies in developing economies invest in backup power, but the millions of small firms that cannot afford to do so are at the mercy of erratic electric supplies. Batteries in the electric system that would supply power when generators fail, allowing businesses to continue operating, could have an annual economic impact of $25 billion to $100 billion by 2025.
The second challenge in less developed economies is bringing electricity to remote locations and other areas beyond the reach of the electrical grid. Only 63 percent of rural populations in developing economies have access to electricity, which severely limits their chances at development and their access to critical services. Based on current population projections, more than one billion people worldwide could be without electricity in 2025. The value of providing access to electricity through batteries in remote areas alone could amount to anywhere from $2 billion to $50 billion annually by 2025. That estimate assumes only 60 kilowatt hours of electricity per month per household, which would be enough for lighting, some television, cell-phone charging, a radio, and a fan. Nevertheless, with improved batteries and solar chargers -- a kit that can be leased at very low prices -- millions of the world’s poorest people can get at least a toehold in the global economy.
In developing economies, battery storage could have a huge impact on economic growth. Developing economies suffer from two problems that better batteries can help address. The first is the unreliability of electrical supplies. In these countries, outages average from two to 70 hours per month.
（中略）
The second challenge in less developed economies is bringing electricity to remote locations and other areas beyond the reach of the electrical grid. Only 63 percent of rural populations in developing economies have access to electricity, which severely limits their chances at development and their access to critical services.
「最初の問題」「二番目の問題」の部分ですが、それぞれ簡単に問題を述べた直後に、outages average from two to 70 hours per monthとかOnly 63 percent of rural populations in developing economies と数字を挙げて具体例で補足をしています。こういう「問題点の指摘→具体例による補足」という書き方も参考にしたいです。
