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自分が読んで興味深く感じた英文記事を中心に取り上げる予定です

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Trumpism Will Outlast Donald Trump

 
さすがにトランプの当選は日に日に難しくなっているようですが「トランプ主義はトランプがいなくなっても残る」というような意味の記事がPoliticoに出ていたようです。

Why Trumpism Will Outlast Donald Trump
Think he doesn’t represent anything besides himself? Turns out a whopping 65 percent of white Americans say they’d consider supporting a nativist third party.

By Justin Gest
August 16, 2016

上記の記事はForeign Affairsの記事で触れられていたので知りました。この記事は歴史的にトランプ流Populismを位置付けようというもので大変参考になりました。

Trump and American Populism
Old Whine, New Bottles

By Michael Kazin

読んでみたくなったのはメールのニュースレターで記事中の以下の文言があったから。常々「トランプを批判するだけではトランプ支持が増えて大統領候補まで押し上げた勢いを理解できない」と漠然と思っていただけに記事に興味を持ったのです。

"It would be foolish to ignore the anxieties and anger of those who have flocked to Trump
with a passion they have shown for no other presidential candidate in decades."


この記事ではpopulistをracial-nationalistとprogressive populistと整理していてracial-nationalistがトランプ、progressive populistがバーニーサンダースに当たるとしています。

歴史的にpopulistの流れを振り返ってくれる記事ですが日本人として馴染み深いのは第二次世界大戦で日本人が収容されるまでの流れでしょう。

Brandishing the slogan “The Chinese Must Go!” and demanding an eight-hour workday and public works jobs for the unemployed, the party grew rapidly. Only a few white labor activists objected to its racist rhetoric. The WPC won control of San Francisco and several smaller cities and played a major role in rewriting California’s constitution to exclude the Chinese and set up a commission to regulate the Central Pacific Railroad, a titanic force in the state’s economy. Soon, however, the WPC was torn apart by internal conflicts: Kearney’s faction wanted to keep up its attack on the Chinese “menace,” but many labor unionists wanted to focus on demands for a shorter workday, government jobs for the unemployed, and higher taxes on the rich.

Yet populist activists and politicians in Kearney’s mold did achieve a major victory. In 1882, they convinced Congress to pass the Chinese Exclusion Act—the first law in U.S. history to bar members of a specific nationality from entering the country. Two decades later, activists in the California labor movement spear­headed a fresh campaign to pressure Congress to ban all Japanese immigration. Their primary motivation echoes the threat that Trump sees coming from Muslim nations today: Japanese immigrants, many white workers alleged, were spies for their country’s emperor who were planning attacks on the United States. The Japanese “have the cunning of the fox and the ferocity of a bloodthirsty hyena,” wrote Olaf Tveitmoe, a San Francisco union official, who was himself an immigrant from Norway, in 1908. During World War II, such attitudes helped legitimize the federal government’s forced relocation of some 112,000 Japanese Americans, most of whom were U.S. citizens.


PopulismをA NECESSARY EVILとして捉えていて特に自分たちの権益確保に執着しやすいエリート政治の軌道修正を訴えることになるという良い側面も認めています。

Even some populist orators who railed against immigrants generated support for laws, such as the eight-hour workday, that, in the end, helped all wage earners in the country, regardless of their place of birth.

Populism has had an unruly past. Racists and would-be authoritarians have exploited its appeal, as have more tolerant foes of plutocracy. But Americans have found no more powerful way to demand that their political elites live up to the ideals of equal opportunity and democratic rule to which they pay lip service during campaign seasons. Populism can be dangerous, but it may also be necessary.


トランプの人格批判はたやすいですが、彼は2012年の大統領選でもあんな感じでした。彼は大して変わっていない気がします。それなのに数年後には大統領候補になってしまった。何が変わってしまったのか、そのあたりのことを冷静に見れるといいんでしょうけど。。。

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