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自分が読んで興味深く感じた英文記事を中心に取り上げる予定です

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MBZとMBS - New Yorkerの読み応え

 
先週のTIMEとNew Yorkerはどちらもサウジアラビアの皇太子を特集していました。

TIMEの記事もよくまとまっていたとは思いますが、中東関連で著名なジャーナリストのDexter FilkinsのNew Yorkerの記事の方が圧倒的に読み応えがありました。

By Karl Vick | Photographs by Martin Schoeller for TIME
April 5, 2018

MBSと呼ばれるサウジの皇太子がどのように育って、誰に影響を受けているかなど、多面的に知ることができます。MBSと呼ばれるサウジの皇太子ですが、ドバイで有名なUAEの皇太子はMBZと呼ばれているそうで、二人の仲は良好だそうです。トランプ大統領の義理の息子のクシュナーとの仲だけではないんですね。

In his work with the White House, is Mohammed bin Salman driving out extremism, or merely seizing power for himself?
By Dexter Filkins

近隣諸国に介入するという強権的な側面を知ると、新しい国家を作り上げようとするリーダーシップのある若き指導者というポジティブなイメージだけではないことがわかります。

More important, M.B.Z. saw M.B.S. as a younger version of himself: smart, energetic, and eager to confront enemies. As M.B.S. was being groomed for power, the Gulf states were feeling increasingly vulnerable. When the Arab Spring erupted, in 2011, it forced out dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere. Leaders in Saudi Arabia and the Emirates were terrified that their monarchies would soon follow. The emergence of isis further alarmed them, and the two countries supported proxies to fight against its incursions in Syria and in Libya. But their most decisive intervention came in Egypt, the Arab world’s most populous country, where the longtime strongman Hosni Mubarak was ousted by a popular uprising. In June, 2012, Egyptian voters delivered the Presidency to Mohamed Morsi, of the Muslim Brotherhood. For the Saudis and the Emiratis, it was a nightmare.

The Brotherhood, founded in 1928, is the world’s largest Islamist movement, with hundreds of millions of followers. It has inspired Islamist political parties throughout the Sunni Muslim world, including branches in Jordan, Syria, and Bahrain. In Egypt, security services had savagely repressed the Brotherhood for decades. After the Arab Spring, though, it emerged as the country’s most organized political force.

“When Morsi got elected, the Saudis and the Emiratis went into overdrive,” a former senior American diplomat told me. According to several former American officials, M.B.Z. and Bandar bin Sultan, the director of Saudi intelligence, began plotting with others in their governments to remove Morsi from power. Egypt’s generals were already organizing against him. Bandar and M.B.Z. reached out to the Egyptian defense minister, General Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, and promised twenty billion dollars in economic aid if Morsi were deposed. (The Emirati Embassy did not respond to requests for comment.) They also began financing an anti-government movement in Cairo, built around an ostensibly independent youth group called Tamarod. As the coup took shape, Bandar and Sisi used Mohammed Dahlan, a Palestinian confidant, to carry messages and money to collaborators in the Egyptian military. The former diplomat said that the foreign support was crucial to the coup: “For Sisi to move like that, he needed a promise that he would succeed.” In July, 2013, the Egyptian military forced Morsi from power, and soon afterward it orchestrated a crackdown on suspected Brotherhood supporters, detaining at least forty thousand people. “It was terrible, terrible,” the diplomat told me. “What the Saudis and the Emiratis did was unforgivable.”

TIMEとNew Yorkerとの記事の違いもよくわかるので、New Yorkerという雑誌に興味がある方はまずTIMEの記事を読んでから下記のNew Yorkerの記事を読んでみてください。
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Yuta

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